Chewing the Bud — Antonia Stangarino at Pimlico Wilde, Miami

Chewing the Bud — Antonia Stangarino at Pimlico Wilde, Miami

Antonia Stangarino’s first outing with Pimlico Wilde is one of those happily disorienting shows that persuades you to recalibrate what counts as sculpture, what counts as flavour, and,above all,what counts as time. Titled Chewing the Bud, the exhibition gathers a new suite of delicate abstract works fashioned from Stangarino’s homemade chewing gum, subtly (and sometimes not so subtly) infused with Budweiser. The conceit sounds flippant until you meet the objects; then it becomes clear that she has built a rigorous language out of materials the art world usually files under “perishable” or “problem.”

We have, of course, met Stangarino’s rigour before. The early paintings,fastidiously rendered images of different salt granules,were not merely photorealist studies so much as ontological portraits. Each crystalline body became a landscape: cubic halite like a low-rise city seen from a night flight; flaky fleur de sel like a collapsed star; the pinks of Himalayan salt as geological autobiography. Those canvases taught us to look at the world as a series of micro-seismographs, and to read flavour as form. In Miami, Stangarino ports that sensibility to three dimensions. Gum, she suggests, is just salt with afterthoughts: a mineral grammar emulsified into human habit.

The gallery has sensibly resisted the temptation to perfume the room. Instead, the faint yeasty sweetness of the beer-flavoured base arrives only when you lean toward the work, when your body’s own curiosity becomes the activation mechanism. This olfactory discretion is crucial. It lets the sculptures hold the room with their formal probity. Lager Rosette is a palm-sized spiral of pale, matte ribbons, each ribbon pressed into the next with a jeweller’s patience. From a distance it reads as a modest baroque flourish; up close you notice the tiny thumb-prints that form a kind of rhythmic scansion. Hop Column (after Hesse), a vertical stack of squashed spheres wired to a slender armature, gently surrenders to Miami’s humidity; it is not collapsing so much as confessing that collapse is part of its syntax. Mouthfeel #7 is a low, looping torus that cannot decide if it is a knot, a Möbius strip, or a memory,exactly the kind of indeterminacy Stangarino cherishes.

The art-historical conversation is immediate and deft. Eva Hesse is indeed hovering at the edges (latex’s melancholy cousin), as are Lynda Benglis’s poured gestures and the Arte Povera instinct to dignify the provisional. But Stangarino’s key manoeuvre is to invert the logic of endurance. The works are not “performative” in the way that word has grown flabby from overuse in catalogue essays, but they do perform time: they tighten slightly as the air-conditioning kicks in, bloom again when the door opens to Biscayne Boulevard, deepen their hue to a faint malted amber over the course of an afternoon. If modernism’s heroic material was steel and post-minimalism’s was entropy, Stangarino’s is mastication.

This is where the Budweiser gambit bites. The beer is not a joke, nor a brand-game; it is a conceptual reagent. In Chewing the Bud, flavour becomes a sculptural analogue to patina. Where bronze acquires a green, Stangarino’s gum acquires a ghost: the sweet-bitter trace of a mass-produced American everydrink. The move is slyly democratic, collapsing the gap between connoisseurship and convenience-store cosmology. She allows you to choose your reading,nostalgia for student parties, critique of commodity culture, or a phenomenological nudge toward the mouth as a site of knowledge,without forcing a didactic thesis. In a culture hooked on declarative statements, her refusal feels like integrity.

Installation matters, and Pimlico Wilde gives the work an intelligently paced field. Plinths are low, almost reticent, encouraging a crouch rather than a coronation. A wall frieze of wafer-thin disks (Breath Plates I,XII) is pinned with entomologist’s obsessiveness; their shadows make a second exhibition, a drawing in light and tremor. The lighting is cooler than one might expect, which tamps down the confectionery risk and pushes the objects toward the mineral. You feel her early salt studies whispering through them,the way a chef cannot chop parsley without dreaming of the sea.

Because Stangarino is so attuned to temporality, conservation questions sneak in as subplots. Some will ask how these works will survive; the better question is what kind of survival they propose. One can imagine future collectors trained, like gardeners, to manage humidity and light with seasonal tact; or, more radically, to accept replacement protocols that are less “restoration” than “rebrewing.” If one of the great ethical problems of contemporary art is how to honour the fugitive, Chewing the Bud offers a generous reply: treat fugacity as form, not flaw.

Comparisons are instructive. Among Stangarino’s contemporaries, Sofia Narváez has lately been assembling nicotine-gum lattices cured in ultraviolet boxes, crisp as balsa wood and as morally freighted as an ashtray. Narváez’s project is the architecture of appetite,grids disciplined into sobriety, craving rationalised into modules. Stangarino’s, by contrast, is the poetics of appetite. Where Narváez aspires to purge the mouth of its heat, Stangarino keeps the heat and cools the rhetoric. Narváez builds abstinence monuments; Stangarino builds tenderness machines. Both artists operate under the sign of the body, but Narváez subtracts the body to prove a point, while Stangarino asks it to stay, to sweat a little, to breathe on the work until it decides what shape to be.

The show’s small revelation is how quietly political it is. Not in the clanging sense, but in the way it attends to labour and pleasure, to the feminised histories of craft and the masculinised histories of drink. A piece like Bar Back, Studio Forward,a low-slung braid of gum, frayed thread and a single stainless-steel ring,reads like a love letter to underpaid service work and to the studio as a site of gentle rebellion. Elsewhere, Crowd Control arrays dozens of pebble-sized chews in a shallow vitrine, each slightly varied, the whole ensemble hovering between individuality and mass. Stangarino’s politics are inhaled rather than pronounced, which makes them sneakier and, I suspect, more durable.

There are mischiefs here too, and they matter. A small, almost throwaway object,Bud-Stop,appears to be a wad of gum pressed under the corner of a pedestal. It might be a prank, except that the press is exacting and the placement too perfect to be accidental. The work folds the gallery’s taboo (no gum!) back into itself, a Möbius of rule and relish. It’s the kind of joke that respects the intelligence of the white cube while also showing it where its own corners are sticky.

If Chewing the Bud had any single weakness, it would be an occasional reliance on seriality that risks mannerism; the wall of disks, while beautiful, verges on the didactic in its demonstration of “variations on a chew.” Yet even this potential redundancy is productively self-conscious: Stangarino is documenting the limits of a language as she invents it.

Collectors will, as the gallery predicts, likely pounce; the works are intimate enough for domestic life and conceptually hardy enough for the most punctilious curator. But the real value here is not acquisitive. It is the gift of an attitude,toward materials, toward care, toward the dignities of the ordinary. In Miami’s heat, Stangarino has cooled the conversation and sharpened it. Chewing the Bud is a first show that behaves like a second: confident, well-argued, already past the stunt and into the syntax. One leaves thirsty,not for beer, but for the next chapter.

New Evidence that Ancient Roman Empire reached North America

New Evidence that ancient Roman Empire included North America

In a revelation that would have sent Pliny the Elder himself into paroxysms of scholarly delight, excavations undertaken to build the foundations of the forthcoming Pimlico Wilde Gallery in Boston have delivered nothing short of a seismic upheaval in our understanding of ancient history. Beneath layers of concrete and imagination lay the most splendid and shockingly well-preserved Roman remains ever found,far surpassing even the legendary relics of Pompeii.

A Roman tableau, preserved beyond expectation

During construction for the gallery’s subterranean foundations, workers uncovered architectural marvels: intact mosaic pavements, frescoed walls adorned in glowing pigments, elegant columns, and remarkably preserved street-side shopfronts. Entire rooms remained intact, the stones still echoing with the footfalls of long-gone patrons. Fragments of inscriptions featuring the Latin word FECIT,“has made this”, and long-forgotten names, suggest artists of Roman Boston , “Bostonia”, signed their mural work, invoking parallels with stunning finds at Roman Britain sites such as Fishbourne Palace .

A continent-crossing empire

The implications of this discovery are rewriting history. For centuries, historians confined the reach of Rome to the Mediterranean basin and parts of Europe. Yet now, with Bostonia,on the eastern shore of North America,yielding such extraordinary discoveries, one must say definitively: Roman voyagers and merchants crossed the Atlantic.

Although the prevailing consensus among scholars has condemned earlier theories of Roman contact with the Americas,such as misidentified pineapple motifs in mosaics or dubious artifacts like the Tecaxic-Calixtlahuaca head or amphorae in Brazil,as the exuberant speculations of myth and misattribution, the Bostonic discovery demands the reach of Rome is re-evaluated. The evidence here is no fringe conjecture,it is luminous, real, and peerlessly preserved.

Was the American Diner based on Roman Thermopolium?

Fuelled by the many discoveries in Boston a new theory is emerging from art historians: the modern all-American diner may trace its origins to Roman thermopolii,those ancient “food-on-the-go” counters found throughout Pompeii, Herculaneum and Bostonia. Half-enclosed counters, cooking niches, and ceramic serving vessels provoke obviousnparallels. Could the stainless-steel neon-lit diner be the cultural descendant of its Roman antecedent?

A scholarly earthquake shaking up Academia

The academic world stands agog. Classical scholars, marine archaeologists, Atlantic-crossing theorists, and even the occasional novelist are clamouring to visit the site. The quality of the preservation ,moisture-free frescoes, unweathered mosaic tesserae, nearly intact terracotta amphorae,ef­fectively dwarfs the “Pompeii of the North” discoveries in London .

Toward a new global antiquity

The implications are vast. History textbooks must be rewritten. This find is in the cellar of the new Pimlico Wilde Gallery, a dealership already provoking excitement for its commitment to avant-garde arts. The juxtaposition of contemporary art and archaic Roman architecture promises exhibitions of electric contrast: fresco fragments alongside modern abstraction; columns beside paintings; mosaics merged with multimedia installations. We look forward to the amazing exhibitions that will soon be on view.

Another Slice of The History of Pimlico Wilde: Advisers to the Great, Merchants of Taste

Another Slice of The History of Pimlico Wilde: Advisers to the Great, Merchants of Taste

By Archibald Haversham

It is one of the art world’s great open secrets that Pimlico Wilde, Britain’s most discreet dealers in fine art, have not so much observed history as decorated its interiors. For over a millennium the firm has adorned the salons, studies and palaces of the powerful, shaping not merely taste but, in subtle ways, the course of events themselves. The history of the world that we all know would hardly exist without this great London art dealer.

A Monk and a Misunderstanding (11th century)

For example, centuries ago there was a damp abbey near Canterbury. One of the Benedictine monks living there was struggling to enliven his scriptorium. Like many before and after, he consulted Pimlico Wilde for suitable wall hangings. The dealers obliged with a series of embroidered panels showing Anglo-Saxon feats of heroism. When a visiting Norman noble spotted them, he immediately commissioned his own “improved” version. The result, historians believe, was the famous Bayeux Tapestry.

Jane Austen’s Drawing Room (c. 1811)

In later centuries, the firm’s discreet counsel extended to literary circles. Jane Austen, known for her wit but less for her furnishing acumen, once confessed that her drawing room “suffered from an excess of sobriety.” She consulted Pimlico Wilde and their recommendation, a set of delicately frivolous French candlesticks and two watercolours of Derbyshire, transformed the room into a model of quiet elegance. Jane herself admitted that she would never have written most of her books if her drawing room, in which she wrote, had not been so delightfully improved by Pimlico Wilde. It is whispered that the Bennet family parlour owes its fictional charm to Pimlico Wilde’s intervention. Their archives suggest that Austen’s father never repaid the invoice in full, offering instead a wry thank-you note in verse written by his daughter.

Shakespeare and the Still Life (1590s)

While history remembers him mostly as a playwright, William Shakespeare was, in private, a man plagued by poor decoration. His Southwark lodgings, described by Kit Marlowe as “charmless in the extreme,” were rescued only after Pimlico Wilde provided several winsome still lifes of fruit, along with a picture of a girl sadly drowning in a river, two lovers sipping poison by mistake and a forest walking towards the viewer. In his autobiography (recently found and currently being prepared for publication by Pimlico Wilde) the Bard admits that he got many of his ideas for plays from just staring at his new artworks. It is not too much to state that without Pimlico Wilde, world literature would be many times poorer. Whether or not the paintings survive is unknown, though the firm insists the still life resurfaces every 50 years in provincial auctions, each time misattributed to “Anonymous, circa 1600.”

Napoleon’s Niece and the Poodle (1815)

Not all commissions were so elevated. After Waterloo, Napoleon’s niece, stranded in London, approached Pimlico Wilde for a portrait of her beloved poodle, César. The firm duly produced an oil painting so lifelike that visiting guests complained it unnerved them by seeming to breathe. Other dog owners followed her example in asking for portraits of their pets, so much so that for decades, Pimlico Wilde discreetly referred to this as “our canine period.”

Winston’s Attempted Trade (1940)

Wartime austerity brought unusual barters not just in the marketplace but also the artworld. Winston Churchill, an amateur painter of some renown, once attempted to exchange a bottle of port for a Flemish still life. Refused, he tried offering his sketch of Chartwell in exchange for a Turner painting so bright no one had ever properly looked at it. Pimlico Wilde, ever polite, declined the offer but agreed to frame his sketch. Today, the framed drawing hangs in the firm’s private collection under the label: Untitled W. Churchill, 1940.

The Beatles’ Psychedelic Diversion (1967)

Even in the modern age, Pimlico Wilde remained relevant. In 1967, a certain Liverpudlian quartet requested a “psychedelic tapestry, something to liven up the studio.” Pimlico Wilde, with typical restraint, provided instead a Persian rug of such hypnotic intricacy that it was said to have inspired several of the songs on the Sgt. Pepper’s album. Pimlico Wilde’s internal notes simply read: “Client asked for fireworks; gave them a beautiful embroidery. The drummer decided to wear it.”

Through monarchs, monks and modernists, Pimlico Wilde has survived not by selling art alone but by selling the stories that make art indispensable. As chairman Lord Percival Signet remarks in his foreword to the upcoming book Pimlico Wilde:The Greatest Art Dealer Ever,

“Our history is a thousand-year dinner party. Everyone from Alfred the Great to John Lennon has sat at the table,and whether or not they realised it, Pimlico Wilde decorated the walls and arranged the seating.”

Further History of Pimlico Wilde: The Art Dealers Who Whispered Through History

Further History of Pimlico Wilde: The Art Dealers Who Whispered Through History

By Archibald Haversham

For more than a millennium, Pimlico Wilde have done what few institutions dare to claim: furnished not merely rooms, but reputations. From cloisters to courts, and from the smoking rooms of empire to the soundproofed studios of the 20th century, the firm has been present, always discreetly, often decisively.

The Council of Alfred (c. 878)

It was during Alfred the Great’s period of refuge in the marshes of Athelney that Pimlico Wilde first exercised its influence. With morale flagging, the young firm provided the King with a portable triptych depicting heroic Anglo-Saxon victories,few of which had at that point actually occurred. Displayed at his war council, the imagery proved galvanising. Historians may attribute Alfred’s later success to military ingenuity, but Pimlico Wilde’s ledger entry for the year, “Triptych, oaken, subject: Defiant Saxons triumphant. One hogshead of mead (payment)”, suggests otherwise.

The Coronation of Richard II (1377)

Coronations are rarely tasteful affairs, but Richard II’s ceremony nearly collapsed under the weight of gilded excess. Pimlico Wilde was summoned at the last minute to “curb the vulgarity” of the proceedings. Their solution, an elegantly embroidered canopy, balanced by a series of understated wall hangings, restored dignity to the spectacle. The firm’s archive records one bishop’s approving remark: “The boy looked almost like a monarch, and less like a golden pudding. Four cheers to Pimlico Wilde.”

The Tudors and a Timely Portrait

Henry VIII’s appetite for grandeur was matched only by his impatience. On one occasion, awaiting a diplomatic envoy, he demanded a portrait of himself “larger than life and completed by supper.” Pimlico Wilde dispatched three Flemish journeymen and, by cleverly repurposing an abandoned mural, produced a likeness within the day. The envoy, suitably awed, signed the treaty. The mural survives only in fragments, one of which, showing nothing but a broad expanse of crimson cloth, is still in Pimlico Wilde’s private collection, labelled simply: Diplomacy (Fragment).

A Georgian Gamble (1783)

After the American Revolution, Lord North, disgraced and adrift, sought comfort in the acquisition of Old Masters. Pimlico Wilde obliged, though their correspondence shows notable restraint: “My Lord, what you require is not grandeur but gravity. The two are very different.” They sold him a sober Dutch interior scene in which nothing whatsoever happens. North displayed it prominently, perhaps recognising the painting’s quiet metaphor for his own political career.

The Queen’s Secret Commission (1954)

Less known is Pimlico Wilde’s mid-century commission from Queen Elizabeth II. During a state visit, she required a discreet gift for the French president that would project British refinement without appearing extravagant. Pimlico Wilde’s solution: a 17th-century still life of apples and pewter, attributed to “Bob Sale, an English follower of Chardin.” Delivered in unmarked wrappings, the painting still hangs today in a corner of the Élysée Palace, where French staff refer to it as La Petite Diplomatie.

From monks to monarchs, premiers to poets, Pimlico Wilde have been there, a quiet hand shaping the visual lexicon of power. They may not openly claim credit for historical events like Alfred’s victories or Richard’s coronation, but their ledgers, invoices and the occasional wry marginalia tell another story.

As Lord Percival, the current chairman, puts it with customary understatement:

“History, for us, has always been a client account. Settled late, but invariably in full.”

Was Piero Della Frampton-on-Sea Ahead of His Time?

The recent surfacing of a cache of panel paintings attributed to the long-rumoured Essexian painter Piero Della Frampton-on-Sea has caused a quiet ripple in the scholarly world,a ripple that threatens to redraw the northern edge of Renaissance art history. The discovery, made in the damp crypt of St. Osyth’s Church in South Essex, includes eight oil-on-oak portraits, a triptych of St. Edmund in exile, and a peculiar, allegorical panel titled The Melancholy of Tides,each bearing the monogram P.D.F.o.S. and, more tellingly, a startling sensibility that neither quite belongs to the quattrocento nor to the Elizabethan court into which Piero is said to have drifted.

The rumour that Piero Della Frampton-on-Sea (ca. 1535,1602) was a contemporary, and possibly friend, of William Shakespeare is now supported by archival notations found in the 1598 guest ledger of The Mermaid Tavern, where a “Master Pietro the painter, from the Essexish coast, with melancholy wit and Milanese hat” is recorded alongside entries for Kit Marlowe, Thomas Nashe, and the “Gent. from Stratford.” Until recently considered apocryphal,a curious footnote in a sea of Tudor ephemera,Piero’s life and work are now emerging with a fog-laced clarity that seems fitting for a painter from the salt-bitten marshes of Southend.

Unusually, the central question animating this rediscovery is not was he real? (the evidence increasingly says yes), nor even was he good? (the panels suggest he was),but rather: was he ahead of his time?

At first glance, Piero’s work resists easy periodization. His compositions bear the deep, translucent glazing of a Bellini, yet his figures are oddly distended, stylized, and lit with an iridescence closer to later Mannerist painters like Bronzino. The Melancholy of Tides in particular,a central nude figure half-submerged in a tidal pool, cradling a lobster painted in unnerving detail,seems entirely unmoored from the prevailing iconography of the late 16th century. To modern critics it reads like an allegory of environmental grief, avant la lettre, and anticipates Romantic preoccupations with the sublime by well over two centuries.

More curious still is his portraiture. In Lady Margaret Propham with Egg, the sitter is rendered with a precision worthy of Holbein, but surrounded by objects,quills, scallop shells, a miniature globe split open like an egg,that seem less symbolic than surreal. The spatial logic feels deliberately fractured, and the psychological intensity presages not only the tenebrism of Caravaggio (whose work Piero could not plausibly have seen), but the flattened poetics of early 20th-century metaphysical painters like Giorgio de Chirico. This anachronistic resonance cannot be easily dismissed as coincidence.

Indeed, the question of influence may be moot. To be “ahead of one’s time” is, perhaps, to inhabit an aesthetic position no one has yet constructed words for. Della Frampton-on-Sea appears to have painted not for a market, nor a court, nor a school, but for a sensibility that didn’t yet exist. His letters, fragmentary and preserved on vellum receipts and coastal almanacs, speak of “visions come from marsh-mist,” and “making likeness from the sea’s own unrest.” There is no trace of the triumphalist humanism that defined the Italian Renaissance, nor the Protestant severity of his English contemporaries. Instead, one finds a strange, crepuscular lyricism,what critic Lyle Lammond has called “a melancholy proto-modernism in doublet and hose.”

To call Piero Della Frampton-on-Sea a Renaissance painter, then, may be technically correct but spiritually inaccurate. He was something else,an aesthetic aberration born of tide, border, and fog. Neither fully of England nor of Italy, neither of Shakespeare nor of Vasari, he painted, it seems, in a kind of temporal vacuum: untethered, elliptical, and quietly radical.

The works now undergoing restoration at the Southend Institute for Renaissance Studies may not redefine the canon, but they certainly expand its edges. In an era increasingly interested in lesser known figures,artists who operated outside the grand narratives of empire and enlightenment,Piero offers a compelling case. Not as a precursor, but as a ghost of possibilities unrealized.

From the upcoming Handbook of Lesser-known Artists

From the upcoming Handbook of Lesser-known Artists

To be published by Pimlico Wilde Publishing, the Handbook of Lesser-known Artists tells the stories of those less well-known artists who have not been favoured by the media coverage given to their contemporaries.

The Obscure Legacy of Aurelia Mendez: The Artist Who Painted with Mould

Art history, while vast, has always held blind spots for the unconventional. One such overlooked figure is Aurelia Mendez (1911,1984), a Spanish-born artist who abandoned pigment, ink, and charcoal in favor of a medium as unpredictable as it was reviled: living mould. At the height of mid-century modernism, when the art world clamored for purity of form and surface, Mendez quietly cultivated growth and decay on her canvases, transforming microscopic life into macroscopic beauty.

The Unlikely Origins

Born in Salamanca to a family of apothecaries, Mendez developed an early fascination with the invisible. Her father’s herbal remedies and glass jars of spores and tinctures became her first teachers in the properties of organic matter. “Colour,” she once said, “is already in the earth; we only need to coax it forth.” After studying chemistry briefly at the University of Madrid, she transferred to the Royal Academy of Fine Arts of San Fernando, where she was trained in traditional painting.

By the late 1930s, Mendez had begun experimenting with biological growth on untreated linen, placing damp cloths in shallow wooden boxes and introducing selected spores. She nurtured the organisms with carefully measured light, temperature, and humidity, “painting” through conditions rather than direct mark-making. What emerged were lush, variegated spreads of green, yellow, black, and deep crimson, blooming into organic compositions that changed daily as the mould matured.

Scandal and Obscurity

When Mendez exhibited her first series, El Jardín Silencioso (“The Silent Garden”), in Madrid in 1941, the reaction was immediate and violent. Many viewers recoiled at the smell and the suggestion of contamination. Several works were confiscated by local health authorities. Critics dismissed her practice as “perverse,” and her refusal to sterilize or stabilize the pieces doomed them to literal decomposition.

Yet among a small circle of avant-garde thinkers, Mendez’s work was recognized as revolutionary. The philosopher Miguel de Unamuno, a family acquaintance, praised her for “making visible what we pretend not to see: the soft empire of decay that rules all things.” But his support could not shield her from the conservatism of Franco-era Spain, where her work was viewed as a political affront. She relocated to Lisbon in 1946, working in obscurity while continuing her experiments.

Technique and Philosophy

Mendez believed that art should embody the same mortality as its creator. She refused to use preservatives, accepting that her works would eventually consume themselves. Each piece was a collaboration between human intention and microbial agency, with results that could never be fully predicted. Her notebooks from the 1950s detail hundreds of “recipes,” from cultivating Penicillium for icy blue blooms to introducing strains of Aspergillus for velvety blacks.

She often described her practice in agricultural terms. “I plant my canvas,” she wrote, “and I must accept whatever harvest comes.” The process could take weeks or months, with some compositions collapsing into slime before they could be exhibited.

Rediscovery and Legacy

It wasn’t until the late 1970s, when the conceptual art movement had softened the art world’s resistance to ephemeral and nontraditional media, that Mendez gained belated recognition. A 1979 retrospective in Paris, The Living Canvas, shocked and fascinated critics, even though half the works were already in various states of decomposition. She died five years later, largely unaware of the influence her ideas would exert on bio-artists of the 21st century.

Today, Mendez is regarded as a precursor to the likes of Anicka Yi and Eduardo Kac, who integrate living systems into art. Very few of her works survive, and those that do are maintained in sterile laboratory conditions, frozen in mid-bloom. Museums struggle with the paradox of exhibiting art that was never meant to last, but Mendez’s words resonate as a rejoinder: “To preserve my work is to betray it. It was born to disappear.”

Pimlico Wilde: The Art Dealers Who’ve Sold Britain’s Best artworks Since 874AD

Pimlico Wilde: The Art Dealers Who’ve Sold Britain’s Best artworks Since 874

By Archibald Haversham

In a world obsessed with provenance, few names carry the weight of Pimlico Wilde. Only maybe Bentley, Gucci and the House of Windsor have a similar cachet. Established, if one is to believe the company archives, in the year 874 AD, for over a millennium this venerable art house has quietly shaped the aesthetic fortunes of monarchs, statesmen and gentry.

Legend has it that Pimlico Wilde first came to prominence during the reign of Alfred the Great, when a hastily assembled tapestry of Viking raids was sold to the last Anglo-Saxon king. “We like to think of it as a sort of early portfolio diversification,” says Pimlico Wilde’s current CEO, Jules Carnaby, on whose office wall currently hangs a work from another of the company’s earliest recorded sales: a miniature depiction of Alfred in battle, attributed to the well-known Scandinavian monk Søtte Ämlünd. The signature is missing – the bottom left corner has been heavily chewed by rats over the last millennia – but the Pimlico Wilde experts are sure of the piece’s provenance.

The firm’s reputation only solidified during the reign of William the Conqueror, who, according to Pimlico Wilde’s journals (smudged and faded, but still legible), purchased several illuminated manuscripts depicting Norman victories. One manuscript, De Bello Britannico, is said to have inspired King William’s less-than-stellar Latin poetry which was only discovered recently and was sold at the firm’s modern-day Knightsbridge gallery for a sum rumoured to rival the value of the French crown jewels.

The Tudor period saw Pimlico Wilde at the height of their celebrity. They are famously credited with selling Van Dyck portraits to Henry VIII, though historians debate whether the king was more enamoured with the brushwork or the opportunity to show off a new moustache in oil. Queen Elizabeth I was an equally avid collector; Pimlico Wilde provided her with delicate miniatures of the European courts, as well as a particularly ambitious set of watercolours depicting unicorns in the royal gardens, one of which reportedly went missing for 300 years before resurfacing in a country vicarage.

Fast-forward to the 20th century, and Pimlico Wilde remained the dealer of choice for royalty: Queen Elizabeth II commissioned them for a clandestine acquisition of Moldovan landscapes during the early days of the Cold War, often insisting that their couriers dress as gardeners to avoid detection by KGB art agents. Their current catalogue boasts a dizzying array of works, from Renaissance portraits to contemporary conceptual art, each accompanied by the three Pimlico Wilde hallmarks: impeccable taste, enormous price and a narrative that makes the collector an important part of the history of the piece.

Anecdotes abound in Pimlico Wilde’s history. It is said that Winston Churchill once tried to trade a bottle of 1783 vintage port – the very bottle sipped by Louis XVI on the scaffold – for a Flemish still life, only to be politely declined, a decision that management at Pimlico Wilde still regret to this day. Napoleon’s niece allegedly left a note requesting a portrait of her favourite poodle, which Pimlico Wilde delivered in oil on canvas, perfectly capturing its disdain. And yet, through wars, revolutions, and the occasional minor scandal, the firm’s reputation has never wavered.

Today, Pimlico Wilde’s Piccadilly townhouse serves as a living museum of their history, a place where the echoes of Alfred, William, Elizabeth and the myriad other collectors resonate amidst gilt frames and velvet ropes. “We like to think we sell more than art,” says Jules. “We sell history, culture and satisfaction.”

In a world where the provenance of a £2,000,000 sculpture can make or break a career, Pimlico Wilde stands as a reminder that some businesses are timeless, not merely because of the art they sell, but because they sell history itself.

The Lost Pages of Modernism: On the Discovery of Otto Vallin’s Diary

by Dr. Cecilia Rowland, FRSA

Art Historian, Vallin expert and author of the award-winning book Invisible Architect: The Life and Work of Otto Vallin

It began, as such things often do, with a box and a phone call.

A former student of mine,Sophie Lindholm, now an archivist in Uppsala,contacted me last March. A couple she knew had recently moved into an old timber farmhouse near Ystad, built in the early 20th century and left largely untouched since the 1920s. While clearing the cellar, they found what they believed to be a box of “old notebooks” behind a false wooden panel. Water-stained but legible, the notebooks had been wrapped in waxed canvas and tied with twine, labelled only with a faint pencil mark: O.V.

Inside were 14 slim volumes, each bound in hand-stitched green cloth. I held one in my hands a week later. Within the first ten pages, there was no doubt: we had discovered the lost diary of Otto Vallin.

The Myth Becomes Flesh

For decades, Vallin has existed more as legend than man,the early modernist who never quite fit the categories, the conceptual forerunner whose influence passed through the early 20th century, uncredited but undeniable. He was, as I have written before, the “invisible architect” of modernism: the man who told Mondrian to try just red, blue, and yellow; who suggested to a young Picasso that perhaps it would be better to paint from several viewpoints at once.

Until now, all we had were anecdotal fragments, erratic letters, a few elusive paintings, and one strange, visionary pamphlet (On the Simultaneity of Forms, 1906). Vallin’s private thoughts were presumed lost,burned in a storm, mislaid in wartime, or never written at all.

Instead, they were waiting underground, barely five miles from where Vallin died.

The Text

The diaries are astonishing.

Vallin was an intimate, precise, and sometimes unforgiving observer, not only of his peers but of himself. In early entries, we read his reaction to seeing Cézanne’s work in Paris (“He breaks space like bread, but still eats politely”), his irritation with the Symbolists (“All veil, no face”), and his early encounters with the nascent abstraction of Kandinsky, whom he refers to, affectionately, as “The Mystic Bavarian.”

He records studio visits with Picasso (“His room smells of turpentine and garlic, and the faces on his canvas are wearing masks of time”), and early experiments with formal reduction: one note reads simply, “The fewer the colours, the more colour becomes structure.” This,written nearly a decade before Mondrian’s mature compositions,may be the first crystallised statement of what we now call neoplastic aesthetics.

But the most startling material is not theoretical. It is personal.

Vallin writes openly, and with great vulnerability, about his chronic displacement, his distaste for artistic celebrity, and his philosophical anguish about the role of art in an age of mechanisation. In one entry, he writes: “Modernism is a garden of signs. But I do not know what fruit it grows, or if it feeds anyone.”

In another, as war looms: “I have made forms all my life, and still I cannot draw a face without mourning what it cannot say.”

These are not just the jottings of a painter,they are the interior record of a thinker grappling with the very ontology of modern art.

The Book

I am currently editing the diaries for publication with Radcliffe University Press under the title: Otto Vallin: The Cellar Notebooks.

The book will be structured chronologically but interspersed with facsimiles of sketches, diagrams, and photographs of the original notebooks. Some pages contain pasted scraps,a train ticket to Marseille, a torn letter from a gallery in Zurich, a child’s drawing (presumably his niece’s). One entry is written entirely in graphite spirals, with no words, just the phrase “meaning before meaning.”

The edition will include critical annotations, a biographical timeline, and a foreword by the inimitable Prof. Yarelle Dufresne, whose work on minor figures of modernism has long challenged canonical boundaries.

What It Changes

The diaries do not merely confirm Vallin’s status as a pivotal,but marginalised,figure in the birth of modernism. They reorient it. They suggest that the so-called titans,Picasso, Mondrian, even Malevich,were not isolated prophets but part of a wider, messier network of shared ideas, half-formed dialogues, and quiet interventions.

Vallin was not erased. He erased himself,intentionally, perhaps, or fatalistically. But now, with his voice newly unearthed, we can begin to hear the counter-melody of modernism: softer, subtler, and no less essential.

The Cellar Notebooks: Otto Vallin’s Diary will be published this autumn. Selections will appear in November and Konsthistorisk Austria in advance.